αναδημοσίευση από Jadaliyya
The issue of women’s empowerment continues to be of paramount significance in determining the future of the incomplete Arab revolutions. Numerous scholars, activists, and feminists have commented with concern about the precarious position of women after the contagious revolutions, which started in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. Many haveexpressed anxiety that the controversial gender issue in the Middle East will dominate the coming years, as even Christian leaders transmit Islamists’ pressure on women to dress “more modestly” to their communities. Others have remarked that misogynist attitudes are observable today across the post-revolutionary Arab states, because the Islamists in power have revealed themselves to be agents of an “Islamic neoliberal” ideology that works hand in hand with constraining measures regarding women. These observers have pointed to various shocking acts that all converge in one direction: the targeting of women’s bodies.
The aged President Hosni Mubarak had long embodied the oppressive and institutionalized patriarchy in Egypt. After Mubarak’s ouster in February 2011, an ageing military junta replaced him, and continued to use violence to subdue protest. It was as if a targeted vengeance were being directed against Egypt’s youth, and as if the generational conflict between the old generals and the young protesters had to be played out through the mutilation of young bodies.
Today, almost a year since the election of longtime Muslim Brotherhood figure President Mohamed Morsi, there is a general feeling that nothing has really changed in terms of citizens’ rights. None of the security officials responsible for the series of killings of protesters since January 2011 have been convicted. As this in turn sparks new demonstrations, the Brotherhood regime continues the use of thuggery and public violence,together with sexual harassment, to terrorize citizens and deter them from protest in Tahrir Square.
Αναδημοσιεύουμε τμήμα μιας συνέντευξης ενός στελέχους της Morgan Stanley Investment Management, γιατί συνδέει τη σημερινή οικονομική κατάσταση των BRICs και γενικότερα των “αναδυόμενων οικονομιών” με τις ταραχές, με τη γλώσσα του κεφαλαίου φυσικά, αλλά η γλώσσα αυτή σ’αυτήν την περίπτωση είναι ιδιαίτερα χρήσιμη. (Η έμφαση με πλάγια σε ορισμένα σημεία δική μας)
Ezra Klein: So as I understand it, your view is that people shouldn’t be surprised to see protests in Brazil and riots in Turkey. It’s the long period of economic growth and political calm that preceded them that you consider surprising, or at least unusual. Is that right?
Ruchir Sharma: Absolutely. The last decade gave us this misleading impression because growth was booming in every single emerging market and that was keeping everything calm. It gave the impression that this was a new era for the emerging world.
But a lot of that growth was driven by low interest rates and the commodities boom. The long-term growth rate of emerging markets is about 4 to 5 percent annually, but from 2003 to 2008 it was over 7 percent. At the same time, inflation, which used to be a big problem, collapsed. But now all that’s reversing. In Brazil, for instance, growth is down and inflation is creeping back up. And that’s how you get a situation where a rise in bus prices can be the final straw that gets people into the streets.
There have been riots in the small town of Vradiyevka in southern Ukraine after the gang rape of a woman, allegedly involving local police officers.
Mobs stormed the town’s police headquarters, after authorities refused to detain one of two policemen accused.
29 year old Iryna Krashkova says she was beaten and raped by two policemen after being grabbed on a street and forced into a taxi.She told euronews she knew exactly who her attackers were:
“For sure they were policemen because I know them, because I live in this village where they work. I never talked to them but I know that they are policemen because I live in this town.”
In Kiev, there were further demonstrations close to the presidential palace.
Ενδιαφέρον κείμενο για την κατανόηση των περίπλοκων συγκρούσεων που λαμβάνουν χώρα στην Αίγυπτο. Από το roarmag
Egypt’s revolution will never be complete until the authoritarian neoliberal state is finally dismantled. Only the power of the streets can do this.
Morsi is trembling. Two days after millions of Egyptians took to the streets to once again demand the downfall of the regime, the Muslim Brotherhood looks weaker and more isolated than ever. On Monday, the grassroots Tamarod campaign that kicked off the mass protests gave Morsi 24 hours to step down and threatened an indefinite wave of civil disobedience if he failed to comply. The army quickly joined in, giving the government a thinly-veiled 48-hour ultimatum to “meet the people’s demands”.
Since then, at least six government ministers have jumped ship, with rumors doing the rounds earlier on Tuesday that the entire cabinet had resigned. To further compound the pressure on Morsi, the army command released spectacular footage showing Sunday’s mass mobilizations from the bird’s eye view of the military helicopters that circled over Cairo carrying Egyptian and army flags — set to bombastic music, patriotic slogans and incessant chants of “Out! Out! Out!” directed at the President and Muslim Brotherhood.
On Tuesday morning, government officials, opposition leaders and the military command were all quick to deny that the army’s statements and actions were indications of an impending military coup — even though one of Morsi’s advisors had earlier gone off script and argued that the office of the Presidency did regard the army’s ultimatum as such. Still, Tamarod organizers and opposition leaders have unambiguously welcomed the army’s stance in the hope that its secular command will take their side and “gently” nudge the Islamists from power.
Many of those in the streets also seem to be broadly supportive of an army intervention. Every time one of the military helicopters flew over Tahrir, the people would greet it with loud cheers, chanting that “the people and the military are one hand”. Still, the hardcore activists who have struggled ceaselessly to defend their revolution over the past two-and-a-half years remember the lies and brutalities of the military junta that they themselves helped to push from power, and continue to call for total liberation: “No Mubarak, No Military, No Morsi!”