[youtube]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1elvZtITWU8[/youtube]

[…]Nevertheless, EFITU has already announced that its members are ready to work day and night for Egypt and to support its new interim government. According to its statement, EFITU members fully support the road map and workers and peasants are at the service of the new government: “They are the heroes of the strikes against the two previous governments and now they will be the heroes of hard work and production for the nation. They only want in return to feel like human beings and not second class citizens.”[…]

Αναδημοσίευση από jadaliyya, η έμφαση σε ορισμένα σημεία δική μας. Ενδιαφέρον άρθρο για την πρόσφατη ιστορία του συνδικαλισμού στην Αίγυπτο, και το ρόλο των ανεξάρτητων συνδικάτων που φαίνεται στην παράγραφο που παραθέσαμε πιο πάνω.

“We started the 2011 revolution and the rest of Egypt followed,” is a statement Egyptian workers make with great conviction when discussing the movement for change in their country. Accordingly, in order to continue what began in January 2011, the masses of workers were out yet again in the streets and squares of Egypt before and on 30 June, and in the ensuing days until former president Mohamed Morsi’s removal from office on 3 July. This might seem surprising, given that there were no signs or banners on 30 June indicating workers’ participation. In fact, this was based on a prior agreement among the organizers of the protest, the youth-led Tamarod Campaign. Protesters were to hold up only the Egyptian flag, in addition to homemade signs, but not organizational insignia. So you did not see workers marching under the banner of their union or profession on 30 June. Yet the workers were out in droves in every city and town in Egypt protesting as an integral part of the June 2013 people’s coup revolution. In certain industrial towns such as al-Mahalla al-Kubra, the Tenth of Ramadan and Sadat cities – they were the majority, and leading the marches.

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Ανάλυση σχετικά με τη σύνθεση των διαφόρων συνδικάτων και τη θέση που παίρνουν σχετικά με τις πολιτικές εξελίξεις, αναδημοσίευση από Mada Masr

EFITU President Kamal Abu Attiya wrote that “workers who were champions of the strike under the previous regime should now become champions of production.”

Syndicates, unions divided over Morsi’s ouster

Since the events of June 30, divisive fault lines have emerged within the country’s trade unions and professional syndicates, with leading members of these associations taking sides with the new ruling elites or former President Mohamed Morsi’s ousted regime.

Unions and syndicates have been brought to the forefront of this ongoing conflict, as their leadership, loyalties and politics all come under question.

On July 2, a call for a general strike against the Morsi regime issued by the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions (EFITU) failed to materialize. EFITU’s presidency has since expressed support for the new ruling elites, endorsed by the military council.

On the other hand, prior to and since Morsi’s ouster on July 3, a number of syndicates have moved to show their support for the Islamist president.

Before Morsi’s ascent to power, the Muslim Brotherhood had a negligible presence within Egypt’s blue-collar labor unions, but was tremendously influential within the white-collar professional syndicates. The Brotherhood has historically maintained a strong presence in the Doctors, Dentists, Pharmacists, Veterinarians, Lawyers, Engineers and Teachers Syndicates, winning elections in many of these associations and controlling their boards.

Now, having lost control of the executive and legislative branches of the state, the Brotherhood is resorting to its historic base of power, and, perhaps, their last remaining political refuge — the professional syndicates.

According to Amr al-Shoura of the independent Doctors Without Rights group, the Federation of Professional Syndicates — consisting of some 18 associations — “and especially the Doctors and Pharmacists Syndicates have been and still are actively mobilizing their forces against the June 30 movement, and in support of Morsi.”

Shoura pointed to the bloody events of July 8, where more than 50 pro-Morsi protesters were shot dead by military forces and hundreds of others were injured outside the Republican Guard headquarters, where the ousted president was reportedly being detained.

The following day, a press conference was held at the Doctors Syndicate, where members of the Brotherhood-controlled Doctors for Egypt group announced the formation of a fact finding committee to investigate what it called a “massacre.”

According to Brotherhood sources, at least 85 protesters were shot dead in the incident and more than 1,000 were injured — nearly all of whom were Morsi supporters. According to the Republican Guards and Ministry of Health, though, only 52 were killed and over 200 injured in the incident, including both security forces and protesters.

Independent investigations conducted by the Doctors Without Rights group suggest that “the actual number of casualties may be somewhere between the figures issued by both the Brotherhood and the Ministry of Health. The number of fatalities could be subject to increase,” Shoura says.

He adds that both sides of the conflict were involved in deliberate misinformation campaigns.

“Brotherhood members screened photos and videos during their press conference at the syndicate in which they claimed that women and minors were killed in these clashes. This has proven to be misleading and untrue,” asserts Shoura. Images of dead women and children from the Syrian civil war were allegedly used as Brotherhood propaganda claiming that they were killed by Egyptian security forces.

On the other hand, a media blackout appears to have been imposed on many hospitals who received casualties from these clashes.

“While we strongly denounce the violence and bloodshed, we are wary of the politicized news and statistics coming from both the Brotherhood side and the army’s side,” Shoura adds.

The Doctors Syndicate has announced that it would provide LE5,000 to the families of each of those “martyred” by the Republican Guards.

According to Brotherhood member Abdallah al-Keryoni, the Republican Guards clashes necessitated an intervention by the syndicate.

“Two doctors were shot dead by Republican Guards, another nine were injured after having been shot with live ammunition, and several other doctors were arrested during these events,” he alleges.

“The function of the Doctors Syndicate is to support physicians and to stand up for their human rights. The syndicate is supposed to engage itself in political issues pertaining to health care and doctors’ rights nationwide,” Keryoni says.

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Και τώρα ένα σύνθημα που όλους μας ενώνει: Ακούστε το καλά ανθρωποφύλακες κάτω τα χέρια από τους αγωνιστές… Το κράτος τους αγωνιστές αποκαλεί αλήτες, αλήτες είναι τα ματ κι οι ασφαλίτες, κτλ, κτλ, κτλ, …

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mVbNnxN7EpA[/youtube]

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7C3Kzb42Lgw[/youtube]

[vimeo]http://vimeo.com/54299520#[/vimeo]

Το επιτόκιο δανεισμού του πορτογαλικού κράτους εκτοξεύεται, η κυβέρνηση “εθνικής ενότητας” παραπαίει (αλλά πρέπει να σωθεί). Η Πορτογαλία ετοιμάζεται για ένα σκληρό “μνημόνιο”. Αυτό το video δείχνει την ατμόσφαιρα που υπήρχε στην απεργία που έγινε στις 14 Νοέμβρη 2012, μια “πανευρωπαική” απεργία που εκεί όμως την είχαν πάρει περισσότερο στα σοβαρά από ότι εδώ (στην Ελλάδα είχε ψηφιστεί το 3ο μνημόνιο στις 7 Νοέμβρη 2012).

[vimeo]http://vimeo.com/69824235#[/vimeo]

Landscapes of Emergency is a brief glance over the undeclared state of emergency that casts its shadow over the functions and the phenomena of public space in Athens today, at this time of crisis. Relying upon the readings of two lawyers, it attempts a passage through the dark landscapes that the new dogma of public security leaves in its wake. And it chooses to view the crisis as a way of managing urban everydayness, as a way of managing it militarily. It comprises a thematic intervention-deflection as part of The Space That Remains, a research strand of the project The City at a Time of Crisis. Yet through its deflecting characteristics it simply reaffirms the initial fears that led to the creation of this research strand. In other words, it confirms that the space that remains is ever-lessening and that the state of emergency educates us to live, in the end, with this loss. More attempts to articulate these fears are hosted at the The Space That Remains strand on crisis-scape.net.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RZBvDqKpaLA[/youtube]

Συγκρούσεις φοιτητών με την αστυνομία με επίδικο ένα σύστημα μοριοδότησης που τους  αποκλείει από διορισμό στον κρατικό τομέα.

Αναδημοσίευση από tahriricn (η έμφαση σε ορισμένα σημεία δική μας)

From: هيئات العمل الثوري/حركة عصيان/disobey movement

To all Revolutionary Groups in Tunisia,

“No president for me”

Now two years have passed since the outbreak of the uprisings yet, despite the succession of governments and in spite of the abundance of promises and electoral programs, the economic and social crisis is aggravating and the conditions of the greater majority of the people, that is, the wage-earners, the unemployed, the poor and the marginalized, are deteriorating. The political parties’ tussle over power is driving the country towards civil war. Political institutions, especially the Constituent Assembly as well as the government, the prefectures and sub-prefectures, etc claim in bankruptcy as they proved to be incapable of finding solutions. These institutions are actually part of the problem for the new rulers scramble over privileges and rush to the seizure of bailiwicks. The system of favoritism and loyalism is back. Moreover, both police and the military fail to provide real security executing the same brutal repression tactics at protests. On the other hand, while the owners of fortunes, businessmen and intermediates of every sort are getting richer, the State keeps on boosting prices and insinuates the axing of all basic consumerist items subsidies as dictated by the IMF. The State is also axing unemployment insurance, cutting jobs and calling off all the social gains the masses earned during the early part of the revolutionary movement so that the masses pays the price of the crisis under the mottos of “Commonweal,” “Saving the National Economy,” that is, saving capital from its generalized crisis.

The catastrophic outcome of the revolutionary course so far, has proved the fact that the handing over of what matters us to a bunch of political back scratchers taking advantage of the revolution, either under the motto of “Consensus,” promoted by the Higher Authority For the Fulfillment of the Revolution Objectives, or in the name, or in the name of “Electoral Legitimacy” springing out of the Constituent Assembly, cannot but lead to the reemergence of the same authoritarian regime, with the same economic and social plans, only with different new faces and a new liberal democratic setting which steals the masses’ right to manage its own business submitting it to a handful of bureaucrats and bottom feeders whose only interest is scrambling and fighting for power and sovereignty.

If the revolted masses fail to assure the autogestion of all aspects related to economic, social and administrative life through local self-management councils in districts, towns, counties and villages, and fail to manage all social life aspects through a central Popular Assembly composed of local councils’ members who are elected, assigned and, ousted by communities; if they fail to transform means of labor into social property which are run in a cooperative way according to plans that could be designed by experts under popular supervision so as to guarantee the social production that satisfies real social solidary needs for every member of society and cuts with the capitalist way which puts social energies at stake for the sake of profit and competition; also, if the beaten masses do not initiate a reordering process of police, the military, the judiciary and the public administration on the basis of elections so as to end up with hierarchy and privileges and to impose a popular supervision on these institutions so as they work in the service of the people and cease to be alien organisms imposed in a bureaucratic and authoritarian way; if the masses do not initiate rearranging of big land ownerships into cooperative ownerships supervised by elected councils that work together to liberate the agricultural production from the monopoly of large landowners and orient it to the satisfaction of the people’s real needs so as to cut with all forms of intermediacy, if the people fail to claim its right to choose the convenient production mode of its material and spiritual life in a free and solidarity way through elected local and regional councils, if the masses fail to realize such revolutionary initiatives without the intervention of the least political party, then the political, economic and social system will prevail and produce the same favorable conditions for the crisis which, at the end of the day, in the absence of revolutionary solutions created by the masses, not imposed by political parties’ pre-designed programs, will lead us to the total chaos many people witnessed and anyways will not lead us to the realization of the uprising masses objectives.

Indeed, nothing is going to change if the movement remains limited to protests and demands. Regardless of which political party is in power, the prevailing system has proved its incapacity to satisfy such demands. Hence, the revolutionary movement is today in front of two alternatives: either stepping inside a new phase where masses take the initiative of reorganizing the social, economic and administrative life and impose it as fact, or exhausting its energies on limited sectoral and regional demands which will provide the fighting political elites within the system with enough time to reorganize under the mottos of “Consensus” and “Commonweal,” and to proceed by then to the preparation of a counter-attack that is capable of drowning the country in bloody repression paving the way to one or another political party to invest popular militance to better situate itself within the battlefield of partisan conflict over power.

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Αναδημοσίευση από εφημερίδα ΔΡΑΣΗ

Αναδημοσίευουμε από την εφημερίδα ΔΡΑΣΗ το άρθρο του Αποστόλη Καψάλη, παρότι η γλώσσα που χρησιμοποιεί ο συγγραφέας του άρθρου (η χώρα “μας” κτλ) είναι αποτρεπτική. Ο λόγος που το αναδημοσιεύουμε είναι ότι με αρκετά συγκροτημένο τρόπο εξηγεί το μηχανισμό παραγωγής της ειδικής σχέσης της Χρυσής Αυγής με τη μαύρη εργασία. Η γενίκευση των όρων της μαύρης εργασίας σε ολόκληρη την αγορά εργασίας αποτελεί συστατικό στοιχείο της τρέχουσας φάσης της αναδιάρθρωσης, διαδικασία που μπορεί σύντομα να μετατραπεί στη γενίκευση της ίδιας της μαύρης εργασίας. Δες προηγούμενο post για το ίδιο θέμα εδώ.

Το άρθρο:

Οταν κατατέθηκε το αντεργατικό νομοσχέδιο για την καταπολέμηση της παραβατικότητας στο Σύστημα Κοινωνικής Ασφάλισης, οι γνωστοί-άγνωστοι εξτρεμιστές του κοινωνικού κινήματος επισήμαναν έγκαιρα ότι η ακροδεξιά συνιστώσα της τρικομματικής μνημονιακής κυβέρνησης επιδιώκει, μεταξύ άλλων, να νομιμοποιήσει και να διευκολύνει την εξάπλωση της νεοναζιστικής ιδεολογίας στους χώρους δουλειάς. Αυτές τις ημέρες, ακριβώς δύο μήνες μετά την δημοσίευση του νόμου 4144/2013 (18/04/2013), αυτές οι «ακραίες» υποθέσεις δυστυχώς επιβεβαιώθηκαν με τον πλέον κατηγορηματικό και δραματικό τρόπο.

Στις 19 Ιουνίου το αρχηγείο της ελληνικής αστυνομίας εκδίδει δελτίο τύπου1, με το οποίο ανακοινώνει ότι αστυνομικές δυνάμεις εισέβαλαν εν ώρα εργασίας σε Νοσοκομείο της Αθήνας και συνέλαβαν 16 γυναίκες, όλως συμπτωματικώς αλλοδαπές, με το πρόσχημα της εργασίας τους ως αποκλειστικές νοσοκόμες δίχως την κατοχή του προβλεπόμενου πτυχίου και της άδειας ασκήσεως επαγγέλματος.

Ακριβώς την επομένη ημέρα, η νεοναζιστική οργάνωση Χρυσή Αυγή σε ανακοίνωσή της2, χωρίς καν να κρατήσει τα προσχήματα, πανηγυρίζει για αυτήν την επιτυχία της με ένα προκλητικό τίτλο «Ε ρε τι κάνει η Χρυσή Αυγή… συνελήφθησαν 16 μαϊμού αποκλειστικές νοσοκόμες και μαντέψτε… ήταν όλες αλλοδαπές…!!!». Τι ακριβώς συμβαίνει;
Στο όνομα της αδήλωτης εργασίας
Στις αρχές Ιουνίου οι υπουργοί Εργασίας και Δημοσίας Τάξης ανακοινώνουν με κάθε επισημότητα την έναρξη εφαρμογής του σχεδίου «Άρτεμις», το οποίο αφορά στη στενή συνεργασία των δύο υπουργείων για την καταπολέμηση της αδήλωτης εργασίας. Παρουσία πολλών στελεχών, συμπεριλαμβανομένου και του νέου ΔΗΜΑΡίτη ειδικού γραμματέα του ΣΕΠΕ, οι Βρούτσης και Δένδιας αναπτύσσουν τις ανατριχιαστικές λεπτομέρειες του δικτύου συνεργασίας των αστυνομικών αρχών και των αρμοδίων ελεγκτικών μηχανισμών, με στόχο την πάταξη του φαινομένου.

Ειδικότερα, τίθεται σε εφαρμογή το τρίτο κεφάλαιο του νόμου 4144/2013 και τα άρθρα 14-16, σύμφωνα με τα οποία η Υπηρεσία της Οικονομικής Αστυνομίας και Δίωξης Ηλεκτρονικού Εγκλήματος (ΥΠ.Ο.Α.Δ.Η.Ε.) καθίσταται εκ παραλλήλου αρμόδια για τους ελέγχους που διενεργούνται από τα ελεγκτικά όργανα του ΙΚΑ-ΕΤΑΜ και το ΣΕΠΕ. Ειδικότερα, στο αντικείμενο της Οικονομικής Αστυνομίας εντάσσεται πλέον και «… η έρευνα, πρόληψη και καταστολή της αδήλωτης και της ανασφάλιστης εργασίας και της εισφοροδιαφυγής, ακόμη και στις περιπτώσεις που δεν συνιστούν αξιόποινες πράξεις».

Αξιοσημείωτο είναι επίσης το γεγονός ότι η οικονομική αστυνομία μπορεί να ενεργεί αυτοτελώς και ιδία πρωτοβουλία, έχοντας βέβαια την υποχρέωση να κοινοποιεί τα πορίσματα των παρεμβάσεών της στις (συναρμόδιες πλέον) υπηρεσίες του υπουργείου Εργασίας. Μάλιστα, το πεδίο ευθύνης της διευρύνεται ανεξέλεγκτα, εφόσον στα καθήκοντά της εμπίπτει, πλέον, η αντιμετώπιση εγκλημάτων που τελούνται σε βάρος των οικονομικών συμφερόντων του Δημοσίου και της εθνικής οικονομίας γενικότερα.

Είναι προφανές ότι η πρόσφατη σύλληψη των 16 μεταναστριών εν ώρα εργασίας, εκ των οποίων οι 4 χωρίς άδεια διαμονής, αποτελεί την πρώτη πιλοτική παρέμβαση της ΥΠ.Ο.Α.Δ.Η.Ε. με βάση το νέο θεσμικό πλαίσιο που διέπει τη λειτουργία της και την αρμοδιότητά της σε θέματα ελέγχου της εισφοροδιαφυγής και της ανασφάλιστης εργασίας.

Σχεδόν αντανακλαστικά ορισμένα στελέχη της αριστεράς, όπως ο βουλευτής του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ Χρήστος Καραγιαννίδης3, τοποθετήθηκαν σε καίρια ζητήματα αναφορικά με το σχέδιο «Άρτεμις», όπως ενδεικτικά στην πρόταση του δεξιού βουλευτή και πρώην προέδρου της ΠΟΑΣΥ (Πανελλήνια Ομοσπονδία Αστυνομικών Υπαλλήλων) Κυριαζίδη να αμείβονται με επιπλέον χρήματα οι εμπλεκόμενοι αστυνομικοί υπάλληλοι.

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