Category Archives: ΝΕΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΜΕΤΩΠΟ

#taharrush Sexual Violence in Egypt: Myths and Realities

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Αναδημοσίευση από jadaliyya

Last September, sixteen-year-old Eman Mustafa was walking with a friend in the village of Arab Al Kablatin Assiut, when a man groped her breasts. She turned to face him and spat in his face. He shot her dead with an automatic rifle as a price for her bravery. Mustafa’s death was an eye-opener call to those who claim that sexual violence is an urban issue. Thanks to human rights organizations and activist groups, Eman’s killer was sentenced to life imprisonment in June 2013.

Violence against women across historical, cultural, and national divides continues to be a socially accepted practice, if not a norm. In the realms of both policy and social awareness, we have collectively failed to tackle this issue with serious rigor. As a result, we seem to be witnessing an increase in sexual violence and brutality.

In Egypt, sexual harassment is widespread and touches the lives of the majority of women whether on the streets, in public transportation, or at the work place, the super market, or political protests. It is true that sexual harassment still lacks a unified definition, but it is not difficult to identify unwelcome verbal or physical sexual violation. Many Egyptians, women included, are unclear as to what constitutes sexual harassment. Others sadly, do not think it is a problem. One thing is clear though, and that is the actions of the various governments of the last thirty years have been limited to statements of regret and unmet promises.

The word taharrush (harassment) is a relatively new term in the daily lexicon. Until recently, sexual harassment was referred to as mu‘aksa (flirtation). That term alone reveals the multiple layers of denial, misogyny, and violence Egyptians must confront in tackling sexual harassment. In addition to rape and physical assault we must equally tackle name-calling, groping, and the barraging of women with sexual invitations. All of these acts normalize violence and hatred against women and they must become socially unacceptable.

Even though, for example, Eman Mustafa was a veiled villager, one key argument in the victim-blaming that is salient in our everyday narratives is the common and vulgar perception that sexual harassment occurs when women dress “provocatively.”  In fact, the only thing that Egyptians who face sexual harassment have in common is that over ninety-nine percent of them are females.

Over the last decade, Egyptians have been working intensively on spreading both social and legal awareness on sexual violence and harassment. In 2005, the Egyptian Center for Women’s rights launched its “Safe Streets for Everyone” initiative to combat sexual harassment. In 2008, more than sixteen human rights organizations and independent groups formed the “Task Force Against Sexual Violence.” In 2010, that Task Force released its own bill to amend Penal Code provisions on sexual violence. That year too, the volunteer-based initiative Harassmap established a free software method to receive anonymous SMS reporting that it would process into a mapping system. Harassmap’s mission was to render sexual harassment socially unacceptable.

Over the past two years, activists have formed many other independent movements and online groups that raise awareness, empower women to stand up against gender-based violence and speak out by sharing testimonies and ideas to combat sexual harassment, and in some cases, expose the perpetrators. After Eman Mustafa’s death last September, anti-sexual harassment protests were held at Assiut University to condemn the murder of a girl who fought for her bodily rights.

Women who have suffered from sexual harassment are usually reluctant to tell their stories, fearing reprisals and the dreaded label of the agitators. Nevertheless, if there is any noticeable progress in fighting sexual harassment in Egypt, it would be the rise in the number of women who are speaking up about their experiences and filing reports against their offenders. Another important development has been the formation of independent volunteer-based groups who fight sexual violence on the ground across the nation. In 2010, Harassmap received requests to expand their campaign to Alexandria, Daqahliya, and Minya. This year, Harassmap has expanded to sixteen governorates other than Cairo. With the help of more than 700 volunteers nationwide, Harassmap is reaching out to rural communities to end social acceptability of sexual harassment.

In June 2008, Noha al-Ostaz experienced a form of sexual violence on a Cairo street. She was confident that ignoring the behavior of the offender was ineffective. With the help of a friend and a bystander, Al-Ostaz managed to take the offender to a police station and file charges against him. Three months later, and for the first time in Egypt, the offender was sentenced to three years in prison on charges of sexual assault. Al-Ostaz paved the way for other women to stand up for their rights. Her action has encouraged several to pursue harassment charges against assailants.

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And where do the workers stand?

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Ανάλυση σχετικά με τη σύνθεση των διαφόρων συνδικάτων και τη θέση που παίρνουν σχετικά με τις πολιτικές εξελίξεις, αναδημοσίευση από Mada Masr

EFITU President Kamal Abu Attiya wrote that “workers who were champions of the strike under the previous regime should now become champions of production.”

Syndicates, unions divided over Morsi’s ouster

Since the events of June 30, divisive fault lines have emerged within the country’s trade unions and professional syndicates, with leading members of these associations taking sides with the new ruling elites or former President Mohamed Morsi’s ousted regime.

Unions and syndicates have been brought to the forefront of this ongoing conflict, as their leadership, loyalties and politics all come under question.

On July 2, a call for a general strike against the Morsi regime issued by the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions (EFITU) failed to materialize. EFITU’s presidency has since expressed support for the new ruling elites, endorsed by the military council.

On the other hand, prior to and since Morsi’s ouster on July 3, a number of syndicates have moved to show their support for the Islamist president.

Before Morsi’s ascent to power, the Muslim Brotherhood had a negligible presence within Egypt’s blue-collar labor unions, but was tremendously influential within the white-collar professional syndicates. The Brotherhood has historically maintained a strong presence in the Doctors, Dentists, Pharmacists, Veterinarians, Lawyers, Engineers and Teachers Syndicates, winning elections in many of these associations and controlling their boards.

Now, having lost control of the executive and legislative branches of the state, the Brotherhood is resorting to its historic base of power, and, perhaps, their last remaining political refuge — the professional syndicates.

According to Amr al-Shoura of the independent Doctors Without Rights group, the Federation of Professional Syndicates — consisting of some 18 associations — “and especially the Doctors and Pharmacists Syndicates have been and still are actively mobilizing their forces against the June 30 movement, and in support of Morsi.”

Shoura pointed to the bloody events of July 8, where more than 50 pro-Morsi protesters were shot dead by military forces and hundreds of others were injured outside the Republican Guard headquarters, where the ousted president was reportedly being detained.

The following day, a press conference was held at the Doctors Syndicate, where members of the Brotherhood-controlled Doctors for Egypt group announced the formation of a fact finding committee to investigate what it called a “massacre.”

According to Brotherhood sources, at least 85 protesters were shot dead in the incident and more than 1,000 were injured — nearly all of whom were Morsi supporters. According to the Republican Guards and Ministry of Health, though, only 52 were killed and over 200 injured in the incident, including both security forces and protesters.

Independent investigations conducted by the Doctors Without Rights group suggest that “the actual number of casualties may be somewhere between the figures issued by both the Brotherhood and the Ministry of Health. The number of fatalities could be subject to increase,” Shoura says.

He adds that both sides of the conflict were involved in deliberate misinformation campaigns.

“Brotherhood members screened photos and videos during their press conference at the syndicate in which they claimed that women and minors were killed in these clashes. This has proven to be misleading and untrue,” asserts Shoura. Images of dead women and children from the Syrian civil war were allegedly used as Brotherhood propaganda claiming that they were killed by Egyptian security forces.

On the other hand, a media blackout appears to have been imposed on many hospitals who received casualties from these clashes.

“While we strongly denounce the violence and bloodshed, we are wary of the politicized news and statistics coming from both the Brotherhood side and the army’s side,” Shoura adds.

The Doctors Syndicate has announced that it would provide LE5,000 to the families of each of those “martyred” by the Republican Guards.

According to Brotherhood member Abdallah al-Keryoni, the Republican Guards clashes necessitated an intervention by the syndicate.

“Two doctors were shot dead by Republican Guards, another nine were injured after having been shot with live ammunition, and several other doctors were arrested during these events,” he alleges.

“The function of the Doctors Syndicate is to support physicians and to stand up for their human rights. The syndicate is supposed to engage itself in political issues pertaining to health care and doctors’ rights nationwide,” Keryoni says.

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Χαλκιδική…

Και τώρα ένα σύνθημα που όλους μας ενώνει: Ακούστε το καλά ανθρωποφύλακες κάτω τα χέρια από τους αγωνιστές… Το κράτος τους αγωνιστές αποκαλεί αλήτες, αλήτες είναι τα ματ κι οι ασφαλίτες, κτλ, κτλ, κτλ, …

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mVbNnxN7EpA[/youtube]

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7C3Kzb42Lgw[/youtube]

 

Χούντα ή συνέχιση της Επανάστασης;

[youtube]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xrmhe5JuuNc[/youtube]

Ντοκυμανταίρ της αριστερής ομάδας mosireen για τα γεγονότα στην Αίγυπτο. Η βασική ιδέα είναι ότι ο στρατός και η οργάνωση των αδελφών μουσουλμάνων αποτελούν δύο όψεις της καπιταλιστικής εξουσίας στην Αίγυπτο.

ΗΠΑ: #Hoodiesup διαδηλώσεις για την αθώωση του Zimmerman

 

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Oakland demo

[youtube]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-VUmuwoNKBc[/youtube]

The fatal shooting of Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman took place on the night of February 26, 2012, in SanfordFloridaUnited States. Martin was a 17-year-old African American high school student. George Zimmerman, a 28-year-old multi-racial Hispanic American,was the neighborhood watch coordinator for the gated community where Martin was temporarily staying and where the shooting took place.Zimmerman was tried for second-degree murder and manslaughter and found not guilty on Saturday, July 13, 2013.

Statements given by Zimmerman have indicated that on the night of the shooting Zimmerman was in his vehicle on a personal errand when he noticed Martin walking beyond the gated fence inside the community. Statements read that Zimmerman then called the Sanford Police Department to report Martin’s actions as suspicious, saying “This guy looks like he’s up to no good, or he’s on drugs or something. It’s raining and he’s just walking around, looking about” and “looking at all the houses”,[8][9] although according to a police report, there was “no indication that Trayvon Martin was involved in any criminal activity at the time of the encounter”.While still on the phone with the police dispatcher, Zimmerman exited his vehicle, and after concluding his telephone call with police, was involved in a violent encounter with Martin. The encounter ended with Zimmerman fatally shooting Martin once in the heart at close range.

It has been decided: black life isn’t worth shit. Let’s not ask for justice: let’s make it happen ourselves.

Μπαγκλαντές: Συγκρούσεις απεργών με την αστυνομία στο Gazipur

Από τον τύπο τους:

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Garment workers shout slogans as they block a street during a protest to demand wage hike

At least 22 people, including two TV cameramen, were injured as readymade garment (RMG) workers clashed with police in Board Bazar area of Gazipur Sadar upazila on Monday, reports UNB.

Police sources and workers said a group of RMG workers of Unigears factory had been demonstrating for several days demanding that attendance incentive and tiffin bill be included in their wages.

The workers took to the streets and blocked the Dhaka-Mymensingh highway for one and a half hours in the morning as the authorities announced the factory closed from Monday not accepting their demands.

On information, a team of industrial police rushed in and baton-charged, forcing the workers to move off the highway.

Later, the workers threw brick chips targetting police, triggering a clash and a chase and counter-chase.

Later, police fired several rounds of teargas canisters, leaving 20 people injured.

Two cameramen of GTV and Independent TV were also injured in a police action while filming video footage of the incident.

Production at 15 Gazipur RMG units halted

Production at 15 readymade garment factories in Gazipur on the outskirts of the capital was suspended for Saturday following a clash between workers and police.

At least 50 people including 12 cops were injured during the clash, reported our Gazipur correspondent.

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Ινδονησία: εξέγερση στη φυλακή της Σουμάτρα και μαζική απόδραση

Από τον τύπο τους:

Τρεις σωφρονιστικοί υπάλληλοι και δυο κρατούμενοι σκοτώθηκαν κατά τη διάρκεια μεγάλης εξέγερσης σε φυλακές στη Σουμάτρα στην Ινδονήσια.

[youtube]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U3RD5oSw4bY[/youtube]

Περισσότεροι από εκατό κρατούμενοι κατάφεραν να αποδράσουν. Όλα ξεκίνησαν όταν οι κρατούμενοι έβαλαν φωτιά στις εγκαταστάσεις του σωφρονιστικού ιδρύματος. Αντέδρασαν με αυτό τον τρόπο σε διακοπή ρεύματος που είχε θέσει εκτός λειτουργία τις αντλίες παροχής νερού.

 

Τουρκία: A las barricadas ξανά και ξανά…

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49η μέρα στους δρόμους. Μια κατάσταση ταραχών που γίνονται πια μέρος της καθημερινότητας, μια καθημερινότητας ολοένα και πιο πολεμικής. Χθες οι φασίστες επιτέθηκαν ξανά σε διαδηλωτές με μαχαίρια, κάποιοι μαγαζάτορες χρησιμοποίησαν ρόπαλα και κυνήγησαν δημοσιογράφους. Δακρυγόνα, ρίψεις νερού και ο κόσμος στο δρόμο να επιμένεια και στις πλατείες στα “φόρουμς” να συζητά.

Αναδημοσιεύουμε από το postvirtual το post: Repression & Resistance, το οποίο πέραν του να περιγράφει την κατάσταση, αποδίδει και το κλίμα πολέμου που επικρατεί (η έμφαση σε ορισμένα σημεία δική μας):

Dear people,

For the past week, both the repression and the resistance are gaining steam again. On Monday, eight members of Taksim Solidarity were arrested on trumped up charges including the founding of an illegal organization with the ‘intent to commit crimes’. Other members were charged with the possession of suspicious materials, such as gas masks. Police raids were performed throughout Istanbul. Our own primary cove got raided twice in the aftermath of the Gezi occupation.

On Wednesday, fifty Occupy Gezi detainees started a hunger strike to protest against the witch hunt. Amnesty International and human rights organization IHD called for the immediate release of all peaceful protesters and for the government to protect the freedom of expression and demonstration. Pending trial, the Taksim Solidarity members were released on Thursday.

Four members of the Union of Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects (TMMOB) were arrested on Monday as well. The Union played a vital role in spearheading the occupation of Gezi Park by starting the lawsuit which finally canceled the redevelopment project of Taksim. The Union is important in Turkish daily life because it can grant final approval to certain urban planning projects. On Wednesday, the government launched an offensive against them by rushing through a midnight bill, which cancels the Union’s privileges and takes away an important part of its income.

Fans of Istanbul Utd support TMMOB protest. Via @rfatmete

Fans of Istanbul Utd support TMMOB protest. Via @rfatmete

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Landscapes of emergency: militarisation of public space

[vimeo]http://vimeo.com/69824235#[/vimeo]

Landscapes of Emergency is a brief glance over the undeclared state of emergency that casts its shadow over the functions and the phenomena of public space in Athens today, at this time of crisis. Relying upon the readings of two lawyers, it attempts a passage through the dark landscapes that the new dogma of public security leaves in its wake. And it chooses to view the crisis as a way of managing urban everydayness, as a way of managing it militarily. It comprises a thematic intervention-deflection as part of The Space That Remains, a research strand of the project The City at a Time of Crisis. Yet through its deflecting characteristics it simply reaffirms the initial fears that led to the creation of this research strand. In other words, it confirms that the space that remains is ever-lessening and that the state of emergency educates us to live, in the end, with this loss. More attempts to articulate these fears are hosted at the The Space That Remains strand on crisis-scape.net.